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<text id=89TT1021>
<title>
Apr. 17, 1989: Lebanon:Nearing The Point Of No Return
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
Apr. 17, 1989 Alaska
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 36
LEBANON
Nearing the Point of No Return
</hdr><body>
<p>A nightmarish monthlong bombardment reduces Beirut to chaos
</p>
<p> The terror arrives with the sound of rolling thunder and the
flash of perpetual lightning. Hour after hour, petrified
families huddle in basements and stairwells as booming
howitzers rain shells over the city. For the 1.2 million
residents of Beirut, the past month has been a living hell.
Rival militias have relentlessly pounded the Muslim and
Christian halves of Beirut, with shells tearing into houses,
apartment buildings, schools and even hospitals. Ambulances
careen through deserted streets scooping up bodies sliced by
shrapnel. During early-morning lulls, men scurry out to buy
increasingly scarce bread and bottled water. Then they stop at
pharmacies to stock up on tranquilizers to help them get through
the next barrage.
</p>
<p> Lebanon (pop. 3 million), once a lovely oasis of fine
beaches, snowcapped mountains and cosmopolitan culture, may be
in its death throes. Its brutal civil war, which began 14 years
ago this week, shows no sign of ending. Since March 8 the
heaviest bombardments in four years have killed 177 and wounded
591. Equally devastating, men, women and children are suffering
mental breakdowns from the protracted, indiscriminate terror.
</p>
<p> Few understand anymore what is being fought for. The country
is rent into sectarian fiefdoms ruled by quarreling Christian,
Muslim and Druse warlords. The once thriving economy has all but
collapsed. With nine Americans and five other foreigners still
held hostage by Muslim gangs, few Westerners any longer dare set
foot in the country.
</p>
<p> What makes Lebanon's current predicament more hopeless than
ever is the disintegration of the presidency. Somehow the office
had survived previous crises nominally intact as the main symbol
of Lebanese nationhood. But when President Amin Gemayel's
six-year term expired in September, factional disputes
prevented parliament from electing a successor. As his final
act, Gemayel named General Michel Aoun, 53, commander of the
mainly Christian Lebanese Army, to head an interim government.
Muslim groups rejected Aoun and set up their own government
headed by Gemayel's last Prime Minister, Selim Hoss.
</p>
<p> Aoun's bold moves to assert his authority triggered the new
fighting. In March, Aoun's 20,000-man army took on the Muslims,
imposing a sea blockade of five of their illegal ports, used
mainly for smuggling drugs and guns. Druse warlord Walid
Jumblatt's militia and 40,000 Syrian troops responded with
continuous bombardments of Christian neighborhoods. Aoun's
forces hit back in kind.
</p>
<p> Aoun claims a larger aim -- "a war of liberation" against
Syria's occupation army. While some Lebanese laud his moves as
patriotic, his tactics risk locking the Christians in a perilous
confrontation. Syrian President Hafez Assad adamantly refuses
to withdraw, insisting his troops are necessary to maintain at
least a semblance of order. Making the situation more ominous,
the Christians are getting substantial military support from
Assad's archenemy, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, who seeks to
avenge Assad's support of Iran in the gulf war.
</p>
<p> But Lebanon's real trouble goes back to a 1943 unwritten
"national pact" giving a dominant share of power to the
Christian community. It has battled to hold on against the
Muslims, who today are in the majority and are demanding a
larger role in governing the country. Now, without even a
figurehead President to sustain the fading dream of national
reconciliation, and with the big guns drowning out all appeals
for peace, Lebanon's chaos may have reached the point of no
return.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>